Posted May 15, 2015
I will address the most important part first. I am not dismissing your arguments and I am not saying those who oppose TTIP are angst-Germans. That was a point made by Rincewind81 and I agreed in the sense that there is a growing force in Germany nowadays that goes against large projects and that wants to be left alone in little corner of the world (the knowledge of which comes from the Spiegel article I linked and my person dealings with some Germans).
Once again, I welcome all discussion of any issue. I find it invigorating and good for our societies. We have forgotten how to debate important issues, which has led to the inertia and stagnation of our societies. Since everyone benefits from being informed, that is all the more reason to present arguments and evidence from both sides.
Going back to your points. I propose that we leave the Malstrom issue and say that we view her in different ways. Considering that most commissioners lack any sort of PR abilities or often just repeat stuff from the papers that were prepared for them, Scandinavian politicians in Europe are a breath of fresh air. Just look at Vestager! But yes, I agree that censorship does not solve any underlying problem.
As for the documents, you have to consider that in negotiations that the party that wants something is weaker than the party does that not want a particular thing. This is why some minor states are able to exhibit such influence. If they do not wish to change something, than others who do must convince them otherwise or offer some sort of compensation for their efforts. So if the EU wants to reduce tariffs in one area, but the USA does not, then the EU is in a weaker position. Making such information public will only reduce our negotiating strength. Furthermore, some elements of negotiations touch upon Member State prerogatives and it is most likely the Council that refuses to make the information public.
I must also mention that I am of the opinion that in international diplomacy things take time and things evolve suddenly and unexpectedly. As such, it is sometimes better to give space to negotiators for them to work their magic. Even in the EU, there have been cases when either the EP or Council walked away (or hardened their position) because the other wanted to pressure them by leaking information to the public. Take the migration issue for example. The moment the Commission mentioned possible resettlement, Hungary (and the UK) more or less promised to block the reform of asylum and migration policies.
Concerning the possible privatisation of public goods, I do not remember them being mentioned in TTIP documentation. It is possible I missed them, but even so, I do not remember any trade agreement where liberalisation of public utilities was mandated. Regardless, the public backlash that was the unpublished proposal to liberalise public water supply more or less poured cold water over any such ideas in the future.
Care to explain more about the termination clause? Every international treaty needs to be published in the Official Journal and before that, any text voted by the European Parliament (and possibly Member States) needs to be read in assemblies and thus has to be made public.
Looking at the jobs, once again, I am not an economist. I do know that they have different models, with different data and that each can cause different results. Just look at the calculations about possible Brexit. It is a far clearer situation, as we know more or less what would happen under different possible exit strategies and even there you have widely different analysis. As to why research backed by one party or another to this debate provides opposite results, I have no comment than to point you to the second sentence of this paragraph. As a social scientist, I know that if they follow proper methodology and the same model/data, they should come to the same results. What they choose, however, and how they explain their choices, is another thing completely.
Nevertheless, trade in general has always benefited economies (on an aggregate level). Once you start looking at specific sectors, then this becomes a completely different discussion. In one of my previous posts I mentioned the issue of redistribution of gains made by additional trade to people that lost out due to reduced barriers. This is a societal issue and should be addressed to political forces in that society.
Once again, I welcome all discussion of any issue. I find it invigorating and good for our societies. We have forgotten how to debate important issues, which has led to the inertia and stagnation of our societies. Since everyone benefits from being informed, that is all the more reason to present arguments and evidence from both sides.
Going back to your points. I propose that we leave the Malstrom issue and say that we view her in different ways. Considering that most commissioners lack any sort of PR abilities or often just repeat stuff from the papers that were prepared for them, Scandinavian politicians in Europe are a breath of fresh air. Just look at Vestager! But yes, I agree that censorship does not solve any underlying problem.
As for the documents, you have to consider that in negotiations that the party that wants something is weaker than the party does that not want a particular thing. This is why some minor states are able to exhibit such influence. If they do not wish to change something, than others who do must convince them otherwise or offer some sort of compensation for their efforts. So if the EU wants to reduce tariffs in one area, but the USA does not, then the EU is in a weaker position. Making such information public will only reduce our negotiating strength. Furthermore, some elements of negotiations touch upon Member State prerogatives and it is most likely the Council that refuses to make the information public.
I must also mention that I am of the opinion that in international diplomacy things take time and things evolve suddenly and unexpectedly. As such, it is sometimes better to give space to negotiators for them to work their magic. Even in the EU, there have been cases when either the EP or Council walked away (or hardened their position) because the other wanted to pressure them by leaking information to the public. Take the migration issue for example. The moment the Commission mentioned possible resettlement, Hungary (and the UK) more or less promised to block the reform of asylum and migration policies.
Concerning the possible privatisation of public goods, I do not remember them being mentioned in TTIP documentation. It is possible I missed them, but even so, I do not remember any trade agreement where liberalisation of public utilities was mandated. Regardless, the public backlash that was the unpublished proposal to liberalise public water supply more or less poured cold water over any such ideas in the future.
Care to explain more about the termination clause? Every international treaty needs to be published in the Official Journal and before that, any text voted by the European Parliament (and possibly Member States) needs to be read in assemblies and thus has to be made public.
Looking at the jobs, once again, I am not an economist. I do know that they have different models, with different data and that each can cause different results. Just look at the calculations about possible Brexit. It is a far clearer situation, as we know more or less what would happen under different possible exit strategies and even there you have widely different analysis. As to why research backed by one party or another to this debate provides opposite results, I have no comment than to point you to the second sentence of this paragraph. As a social scientist, I know that if they follow proper methodology and the same model/data, they should come to the same results. What they choose, however, and how they explain their choices, is another thing completely.
Nevertheless, trade in general has always benefited economies (on an aggregate level). Once you start looking at specific sectors, then this becomes a completely different discussion. In one of my previous posts I mentioned the issue of redistribution of gains made by additional trade to people that lost out due to reduced barriers. This is a societal issue and should be addressed to political forces in that society.
Post edited May 15, 2015 by de_Monteynard